Opinion: the role of women in the Yemen peace process

"Women can make a valuable and multifaceted contribution to the peace process in Yemen, whether it be national or local, political or societal," argues Nuha Al-Junaid in this piece for commonspace.eu. "Not only can women tackle humanitarian issues because of their personal lived experiences of war, they also have an important role in confronting violence and extremism, shaping, guiding and leading various peace and national reconciliation endeavours. The role of women in the peace building process is different but essential, and their presence is a precondition for achieving a fair, comprehensive and sustainable peace."

Women experience the tragic reality of war in Yemen in ways that are unique, multiple, and painful. They suffer from physical and psychological abuse, economic uncertainty, and increased sexual violence, as well as having to deal with the detention or death of loved ones. 

They are frequently marginalised and experience considerable war-related poverty, all compounded by the fact that they were already discriminated against even in peacetime. However, the reality of being a woman in wartime Yemen can vary considerably depending on age and familial situation. Young girls, pregnant women, new mothers, mothers whose children have been killed in the conflict, or widows, all bring their different experiences of life in wartime Yemen.  

Women are not only victims of war, however. They can be active members of society with tangible aspirations, interests and a vision for the future, possessing solid foundations that enable them to resolve conflicts and manage crises. Yemeni women are well-placed to build a future that is better than the present.

Women can and must play a key role in the peace building process

How women can participate in the peace building process both during and after the conflict in Yemen varies greatly because of the many different roles women play in society. Indeed, women are often considered the most important element protecting the system of family and social cohesion in wartime because of the multiple societal roles that they may occupy simultaneously.

Women already lie at the heart of small family units, and as mothers they already play a fundamental role in forming the basic building blocks of society and bringing up peaceful future generations. Alongside “traditional duties”, women in wartime Yemen also provide nursing services, shelter and supplies for the wounded and fighters, take on traditionally male duties in men’s absence, and generally save families from disintegration. 

This breadth of experience that women in Yemen possess across various demographics means they are often very capable of articulating the needs of vulnerable groups who are often overlooked, such as widows, missing persons, refugees or displaced persons. Women’s potential role in peace building across numerous and varying societal demographics should therefore not be underestimated, as they have an important role to play across the various domains, initiatives and tracks in the Yemen peace process.

Image
Yemeni girls
Girls chant slogans at a protest in front of the U.N. building in Sanaa, Yemen, May 12, 2016 (AP photo by Hani Mohammed).

Track 1

Women must participate in high-level diplomacy because any peace that comes out of the negotiating table in which women do not participate is a peace that is neither complete, comprehensive, nor sustainable.

During negotiations, drafting constitutions and implementing agreements, the conflicting parties should show their commitment to women and sensitivity to their concerns by insisting on female representation as a precondition for negotiation. This could be by involving women both in the warring parties’ delegations, or through their participation as observers or mediators who are not affiliated with any political organisation or party to the conflict. Here one should also study the participation of women in previous peace building processes in other countries experiencing conflict.

Of course, an important part of formal mechanisms is the formation, training and qualification of any committees and bodies that either take part in or result from formal negotiations between the parties to the conflict. These may include, but are not limited to de-escalation committees and disarmament committees. Women should be present here too.

The presence of women at the negotiating table would enhance their representation as a rule, obliging parties to seriously build agreements that do not overlook or impinge on women's rights and needs. Such a measure would contribute to the peace being more just, inclusive and sustainable.

Track 1.5 and Track 2

Women can also play a role in track 1.5 and track 2 initiatives. While remaining sensitive to Yemeni norms and traditions, women can get involved in initiatives and methods promoting community peace, mediation, prisoner exchange, and national or social conflict resolution. This could again be as intermediaries and advisors, but also as civil society leaders, representatives, supporters, influencers and mobilisers.

Furthermore, there can be no real peace without national reconciliation - key to building peace in any country experiencing conflict - and it is here where women have a particular role to play. There can also be no lasting, fruitful and fulfilling national reconciliation without there being transitional justice, and therefore women must also work towards consolidating national reconciliation by promoting tasks and jobs to not only achieve justice and compensation for those affected, but also to achieve lasting and positive change.

But reaching a point where women do indeed take the lead in track 1.5 and track 2 initiatives in peace building and national reconciliation will not happen spontaneously. Serious effort must be expended on actually empowering women to do so, refusing to accept them as simply passive victims of conflict. Indeed, in order to be successful any female involvement must be designed to be horizontal and inclusive, rather than vertical and authoritative. 

Measures to this effect could include: presenting ideas and projects that advocate for the involvement of women in national reconciliation through conferences and workshops; building women’s capacity and equipping them with the knowledge and skills needed for their roles in regional and national reconciliation projects; and improving women’s genuine real-life access to the reconciliation decision-making processes, in cooperation with local and international organisations, and the relevant government ministries.

Concurrent to this, there ought to be a formal partnership between any reconciliation mechanism that emerges, and international women’s organisations, to support the reconciliation project and to achieve stability and societal cohesion that addresses women’s concerns too. More broadly, civil society should coordinate with the Ministries of Education and Higher Education to establish educational and cultural activities to promote the concepts of reconciliation, tolerance, and the rejection of sectarianism too.

In order for this change to be lasting, however, it is not enough to have formal processes involving women that become removed from the realities of day-to-day life. Therefore, there must be greater cooperation between civil society and the relevant state institutions in monitoring the situation of displaced women, and women and girls from ethnic and religious minorities. Information resulting from this monitoring must be properly studied, resulting in real and tangible projects that make a difference in working towards a stable and cohesive society.

Image
UN Yemen women
The UN Special Envoy for Yemen, Hans Grundberg, met today with a diverse group of Yemeni women peace activists, experts, civil society and private sector actors on 22 May, 2022 (OSESGY/ Abdel Rahman Alzorgan)

Recalibrating society to include and address women’s concerns

Women's participation in negotiating the establishment of transitional justice mechanisms is a must. Policies implemented within the framework of these mechanisms must be gender-sensitive if they are to advance women’s status in society. Ensuring gender equality is essential because some transitional justice measures can affect women negatively, for example by reinforcing gender stereotypes, inappropriately dealing with issues of sexual violence, failing to integrate all groups of women, or accidentally creating new obstacles or difficulties.

As mentioned previously, women have a real role to play in the reconstruction of all economic, political, cultural and social fields in Yemen. Female representation in all these fields should be guaranteed, not only because excluding women would directly harm them, but it would also deprive the country of what women can bring to the table in the recovery and reconciliation process.

Conclusion

Women can make a valuable and multifaceted contribution to the peace process in Yemen, whether it be national or local, political or societal. Not only can women tackle humanitarian issues because of their personal lived experiences of war, they also have an important role in confronting violence and extremism, shaping, guiding and leading various peace and national reconciliation endeavours. The role of women in the peace building process is different but essential, and their presence is a precondition for achieving a fair, comprehensive and sustainable peace.

source: Nuha Al-Junaid is a Yemeni activist and freelance youth political consultant. She has a master’s degree in International Business, and works as an HR specialist. She has long worked with international organisations and NGOs, and speaks Arabic, English and Dutch.
photo: Brussels International Center
The views expressed in opinion pieces and commentaries do not necessarily reflect the position of commonspace.eu or its partners

Latest

Editor's choice
Monday Commentary
Monday Commentary: PEACE IN OUR TIME?

Monday Commentary: PEACE IN OUR TIME?

Making peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan was never going to be simple, nor easy, nor quick. It is taking time, writes Dennis Sammut in this Monday Commentary. “There is a sense of realism coming from the leaders of the two countries – President Ilham Aliyev of Azerbaijan and prime minister Nikol Pashinyan of Armenia, that frankly, is necessary and welcome”, he writes. At a time when conflicts are raging all over the world – from Ukraine to the Gulf, from Africa to South Asia, the prospect that Armenia and Azerbaijan had finally, after decades of conflict that left thousands of dead and many more displaced, decided on embarking on a journey of peace was welcomed. Peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan can be top-down up to a point. Both leaders have spent political capital preparing for a peace deal. But both are aware that their people are not ready for peace yet. In fact, in Armenia, most of the elite are negative toward a peace deal with Azerbaijan. Pashinyan needs time to persuade his countryfolk. That is why 2031 is realistic. Ilham Aliyev runs a tighter shop, but he is also not immune to public opinion. Every time someone hits a landmine in Karabakh, which unfortunately happens often, peace comes into question. Which is why Aliyev chooses to sound hardline, more often than not. In pursuing the peace agenda, both Aliyev and Pashinyan need to proceed cautiously. But they are right in making peace the central issue in their agenda. It is the main issue, and the one that will define them in history. So forward, cautiously but resolutely! In pursuing the peace agenda, Aliyev and Pashinyan need to be supported clearly and unambiguously. There are too many people in Baku and Yerevan who are sitting on the sides, waiting. The international community is not doing enough. It is time to be counted. Otherwise, the spoilers will win, and the region will go back to its bad habits. (Click the image to read the full commentary).
Editor's choice
News
Ukraine Peace Talks Set to Expand as Russia and Europe Clash Over Post-war Security

Ukraine Peace Talks Set to Expand as Russia and Europe Clash Over Post-war Security

Ukraine and Russia could see European countries join the next round of peace negotiations, following talks between US special envoys Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner and Russian President Vladimir Putin in Moscow on Thursday (November 12). However, conflicting positions over European military involvement, Ukraine’s territorial future and the continent’s security arrangements highlight the difficulties facing the diplomatic process. Speaking after the meeting, Witkoff said European participation would be an important development, describing the countries concerned as key partners. Kushner also indicated that Washington had noticed a shift in European attitudes and believed their involvement would not obstruct progress. In a statement published on X, he said the expanded discussions would address broader European security arrangements alongside territorial disputes between Russia and Ukraine. The US envoys subsequently travelled to Dublin, where they met Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy during a European summit. Zelenskyy welcomed the possibility of European participation and expressed hope that the negotiations would include measures to reduce tensions and establish ceasefires. He also reiterated the importance of European representation in decisions concerning the continent’s security. Moscow, however, has offered a more cautious interpretation of the proposed expansion. Putin's aide, Yuri Ushakov, suggested that European countries should first reconsider their military assistance to Kyiv, arguing that their current actions demonstrated an unwillingness to pursue peace. Putin similarly called on Washington to work with its European allies to establish whether they genuinely wanted peace or continued confrontation with Russia. The Russian president also rejected the prospect of European peacekeeping troops being deployed to Ukraine following a potential agreement, describing such a presence as a continuation of the war. His position reflects wider disagreements over the future European security architecture, with Moscow seeking discussions on the continent's broader security arrangements, while European leaders insist that such negotiations cannot replace a settlement of the war. Simultaneously, Zelenskyy raised concerns about disruptions to Starshield, the US-made satellite communications service used by Ukrainian forces. He described Washington’s discussions with Moscow about Europe's future security as unusual and warned against decisions that could undermine Ukraine's sovereignty. Despite the diplomatic activity, fighting continued. Russian drone attacks killed two people in Ukraine's Sumy region and injured five in Rivne, while a separate attack in Russia's Belgorod region killed one person and injured four. Ukrainian agricultural company Kernel Holding also suspended operations at all its oilseed extraction facilities following repeated Russian attacks.

Popular

Editor's choice
Monday Commentary
Monday Commentary: European-Azerbaijan relations need an intensive and multifaceted dialogue that is frank and honest

Monday Commentary: European-Azerbaijan relations need an intensive and multifaceted dialogue that is frank and honest

Last week I visited Baku, Azerbaijan. My visit was relatively short, but very intensive, and had many meetings with stakeholders and colleagues. When I arrived in Baku first time in 1996,  Azerbaijan was a different country: weak, poor, and shaken by defeat in war. For thirty year the Karabakh issue dominated the agenda: the political agenda but also the popular mindset. Now, thirty years later, Azerbaijan has returned to Karabakh, and peace with Armenia is on the horizon. It is a new era for Armenia-Azerbaijan relations, for the South Caucasus, but also for Europe.  But we cannot be complacent: the Peace agreement has been initialed but not signed; borders remain closed; TRIPP is ambitious but remains an idea; and there are spoilers who want to turn the clock back. We must not allow them, and in this Europe and Azerbaijan must work together. Europe’ vanguard organization is the European Union – it is a free union of 27 member states; it is a strong global economic force, and increasingly a diplomatic and military force too. But it remains “work in progress” and can often appear dysfunctional. It often lacks collective and institutional memory. In its dealings with Azerbaijan the EU has made many mistakes – not least opening the delegation here late – in 2008. It sometimes appears condescending. Some utterances from the European Parliament and from some quarters in some member states are not understandable even for me. They irritate the Azerbaijanis, but serve no other purpose But Azerbaijan has also not handled relations with the EU well. It has failed to respond when the hand of friendship reached out; and it confused irritating actions, sometimes by well-meaning people; sometimes by outright spoilers, with strategic action. In short, EU-Azerbaijan relations have suffered from a lack of proper dialogue. This dialogue must be frank, honest and multi-faceted involving different segments of society on both sides.   Is Azerbaijan Europe? When Azerbaijan applied to join the Council of Europe in the 1990s, there were some who opposed, saying this was not Europe. I was one of the people who argued that Armenia and Azerbaijan may be on the periphery of the continent geographically, but were European in essence. Certainly their elites. During the discussion on 4 September in Baku, my friend Farhad Mammedov, mentioned that Azerbaijan is not interested in joining the EU, and was now close to the Central Asian countries in the 5 plus 1 format. Neither things mean that Azerbaijan is not Europe. There are several European countries that are not in the EU, and do not want to be, for example Norway and Switzerland. Iceland has recently voted to stay out of the EU. The UK was a member and left. Europe is bigger than the EU, and the holding of the European Political Community summit in Baku in 2027 proves that. Despite all the rhetoric, I never heard the president of Azerbaijan  saying that Azerbaijan is not Europe, nor have I heard any European president say it either. Not wanting to join the EU and forging close relations with neighbouring regions does not make Azerbaijan any less European. It is only logical that when Europeans talk to Azerbaijan they talk like family. The conversation is often frank. It must also be honest, and Europeans need always to remember this too. A frank, honest and multi-faceted dialogue A frank, honest and multifaceted dialogue will contribute to relations between Azerbaijan and the rest of Europe: it will avoid misperception, which unfortunately is very common on both sides; it will provide a forum where problems can be discussed and resolved, and it will increase mutual trust, so that together common problems can be addressed. (click image to read the full Monday Commentary)
Editor's choice
Monday Commentary
Monday Commentary: “The barren rocks of Aden” and “These lands of Yemen are so ruthless”

Monday Commentary: “The barren rocks of Aden” and “These lands of Yemen are so ruthless”

There are two early 20th-century tunes that mark foreign attempts to occupy and “pacify” Yemen. The Scottish tune “The barren rocks of Aden” marks the mobilisation of Highland soldiers, enlisted to be deployed to the Yemeni port of Aden, that in 1837 became the last colony to be incorporated into the British Empire. The tune talks of the harshness of the terrain, but is celebratory, It was even played as a farewell tune to Sir William Luce at the parade in Sharjah celebrating his end as “British Viceroy” in the Middle East in 1966. The second tune is an Anatolian lament. As Ilker Sezer reminded us this weekend, in his weekly feature on “Turkiye Today”, it “mourns the tragic fate of Ottoman soldiers dispatched to the harsh, remote deserts of Yemen during the fall of the empire, young men who marched away from their villages and never returned home. Most of their names, and numbers, were never recorded. Yet, their fate left a mark on the Turkish psyche.” Subsequent invaders have discovered that Yemen is a grave that cannot be overcome by the strength of modern technology, and that whilst Yemeni society is splintered and divided, building a reliable alliance with Yemeni factions is difficult. These are the harsh lessons facing Saudi Arabia, as the Kingdom faces its biggest challenge in its modern history. The leadership of the Kingdom now has to respond decisively. At stake is their very credibility. This is likely to be a long and messy conflict. Saudi military objectives need to be focused: to box in the Houthis rather than destroy them. This is likely to include: (a) regaining territory lost on the Red Sea coast; (b) control over Bab el Mandeb Strait; (c) some kind of cordon sanitaire on the Saudi-Yemeni border; and if things go well (d) the capture of Sanaa. All this would not eliminate the Houthi problem, but it will contain it. In the end the Saudis will have to continue managing Yemen with a mixture of carrot and stick. For the moment, the stick is likely, but the carrot cannot be forgotten either. (click the image to read the Monday Commentary in full)